Nick
Catalano is a TV writer/producer and Professor of Literature
and Music at Pace University. He reviews books and music for
several journals and is the author of Clifford
Brown: The Life and Art of the Legendary Jazz Trumpeter,
New York
Nights: Performing, Producing and Writing in Gotham
and A
New Yorker at Sea. Nick’s reviews are available
at www.nickcatalano.net
As
we noted in the last issue of Arts & Opinion, Aristotle
had great suspicion of the reliability of history as a barometer
of truth, preferring great art to better penetrate the complexities
of society and the mysteries of life. But certainly historiographic
awareness of the past can be vital as Santayana urged when he
argued that "those who cannot remember the past are condemned
to repeat it."
So
it is with a historical perspective replete with its many shortcomings
that we offer an eclectic comparison of Ancient Greek democracy
(mostly with references to classical Athens) with contemporary
western democracies (mostly with references to America).
The
idea of such a comparison stems from academic visits made to
Greece for the past 33 years teaching a seminar on Ancient Greek
culture to my undergraduates from Pace University. Each spring
the students and I journey to Greece where I lecture on areas
from archeology to zoology (focusing on literature, philosophy,
history, mythology and science) in an effort to have them experience
the ‘miracle’ of Ancient Greece.
Naturally,
the essence of teaching and lecturing about a 2,500-year-old
civilization utilizes a historical framework, and immediately
the problem of objectivity rears its head. So when we encounter
the figure of Socrates initiating the practice of philosophical
inquiry to eager young Athenians we are reminded that he also
fought in an imperialistic Athenian army that often slaughtered
citizens of neighbouring city-states or poleis when they refused
to pay tribute. When we confront the aesthetic magnificence
of the Parthenon we note parenthetically that its outrageous
cost was paid for by the blood money extorted from the aforementioned
poleis. When we see the interest that the great playwrights
had in the equality of women with such figures as Clytemnestra
(Aeschylus), Antigone (Sophocles), Medea (Euripides) and Lysistrata
(Aristonphanes), we must pause to note that the women of Periclean
Athens were little more than non-citizen housekeepers who toiled
alongside the slaves that their husbands may have owned. And
when we heap kudos on the first democracy in the world, objectivity
continues to dim the lights. We discuss the remarkable ideal
of freedom, the wondrously crafted system of checks and balances,
and the revolutionary new practice of peer-driven justice. But
conversely, we note the unfairness of rich dominating the poor,
the often thoughtless emotionalism of an uneducated crowd mentality
and the rise of clever rhetoricians who initiated the practice
of selling straw hats to Eskimos. In addition, after only a
few decades of democracy, we note the episodes of violent anarchy
in Athens during the Peloponnesian war, and we always recall
the insistent anti-democratic frustrations of Plato and Aristotle,
both of whom wrote prolifically on the subject.
It
is also important to show the students that Greek history during
the 6th, 5th and 4th centuries B.C. -- the period of its most
graphic cultural, scientific, political, and philosophical achievement
-- is constantly marred by wars among the poleis from Attica
to the Aegean island poleis to the Ionian poleis and in the
Greek colonies from Spain to the Black Sea. Indeed, it is impossible
to find even one year during this period when there isn't fighting
among Greeks somewhere. The fighting never ceased. Again, from
Santayana: "Only the dead have seen the end of war."
Often
the students are annoyed that their untarnished image of ancient
Athens gets smudged a bit as some of the aforementioned shortcomings
are examined. In this connection, discussion usually leads to
an assessment of pluses and minuses in their own western homelands.
In
the matter of contemporary rule we take note that our western
democracies i.e. Canada, the U.S., the U.K. have representative
or republican systems that curiously resemble the early republic
of Rome and the renaissance republic of Florence more than the
'pure' democracy of Athens. But just like the ancient Athenians,
democracy has done nothing to prevent these later societies
from indulging in episodes of imperialism.
In
America, during its 250 year history, there was one catastrophic
civil war fought to end slavery. And although there have been
ersatz attempts at secession in Canada and the U.S. thus far
the states and provinces have remained united in contrast to
the ceaseless Ancient Greek internecine feuds.
Individual
freedom in the modern democracies seems to be at present far
outstripping the traditions of ancient Athens. Contemporary
developments in freedoms for women, homosexuals, transsexuals
and illegal immigrants have no parallels in ancient Athens.
There the requirements for citizenship were very strict and
never included any voting rights for foreigners or metics. As
a matter of fact the idea of immigrants becoming integral members
of society was only introduced by Alexander late in the 4th
century in contrast to the U.S. which began as a society of
immigrants.
With
regard to the practice of clever rhetoric to persuade voters
or constituents, both ancient and modern democracies have failed
to find a method to protect citizens from verbal political chicanery.
The practice began as soon as democracy took hold in ancient
Athens and writers such as Gorgias, Aristotle and Demosthenes
warned that it would be a perennial flaw in such a freedom-based
system; and here we are 2,500 years later still suffering from
rhetorical demagoguery.
As
far as the struggle between rich and poor, the ancient and modern
democracies both share barely passing grades. In this context,
the structural variants in the different democratic traditions
require extended study. But sometimes, students wonder why some
practices of the ancients can't be emulated now. For example,
they applaud the old Greek custom where a citizen who attempts
to ‘sue’ someone unjustly (i.e. trying to extort
huge monies for slipping on the defendant's sidewalk) winds
up having to pay a penalty if the verdict turns against him).
Noteworthy
legislative failures in recent times are discussed in an effort
to show how democracy can often damage society. The American
Supreme Court verdict of Plessy vs. Ferguson in 1896 which effectively
sanctioned segregation upsets the students as does the 18th
amendment prohibiting use of alcohol and initiating widespread
organized crime.
Discussion
of the history of democracy inevitably leads to controversy
about western attempts to force the system down the throats
of Middle Eastern and African countries with oftentimes deleterious
results. The shaky structures in Iraq and Afghanistan illustrate
the difficulty involved when cultures long used to monolithic
rule suddenly obtain the right to vote. The rush to consolidate
power among countless factions often relying on the age old
weapons of demagogic rhetoric and social and economic intimidation
is painfully visible. The instances of anarchy and political
chaos stemming from the Arab Spring are in daily newspaper headlines.
When
the travel course in Greece concludes, pains are taken to indicate
that the shortcomings of Ancient Greek democracy certainly do
not diminish its titanic position in the history of the world's
civilizations. And also that a simple historical retrospection
cannot portray the depth of achievement that we encounter when
we experience the glories of Homer or the intensity of Sophocles.
Also, great cultures have thrived in systems where democracy
was not present. Renaissance England under Queen Elizabeth or
neo-classical France under Louis XIV accomplished much artistically,
scientifically and philosophically.
In
an attempt to assuage some of the damaged idealism and crestfallen
facial expressions which the students have after they have digested
the pockmarks of ancient and modern democracies a quote from
the sagacious Winston Churchill is helpful: " . . . it
has been said that democracy is the worst form of government
except all the others that have been tried."