from apocalyspe to the end of history
END OF THE WORLD
by
OXANA TIMOFEEVA
_______________________________________________
Oxana
Timofeeva
is a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Philosophy of
Russian Academy of Science, a Fellow at Humboldt University
in Berlin and author of Introduction to the Erotic Philosophy
of Georges Bataille (Moscow, 2009, in Russian) and The
History of Animals: An Essay on Negativity, Immanence and Freedom
(Maastricht, 2012).
Well,
Prince, so Genoa and Lucca are now just family estates
of the Buonapartes. But I warn you, if you don’t
tell me that this means war, if you still try to defend
the infamies and horrors perpetrated by that Antichrist—I
really believe he is Antichrist—I will have nothing
more to do with you and you are no longer my friend, no
longer my “faithful slave,” as you call yourself!
Leo Tolstoy, War and Peace
Both the history of
the present and psychoanalysis teach us that at the beginning
there was a traumatic event, or a series of traumatic events,
to which our experience never stops referring. There is something
missing, however, in this post-traumatic approach. There is some
insufficiency here. What do historians say where collective traumas
such as wars, the Holocaust, or genocide are concerned? Normally,
they express their belief that these traumas can be worked out,
that the function of memory is to shed light on these events,
to make us aware and conscious of them, and thus to prevent their
repetition in the future. In its turn, psychoanalysis, at least
in its obvious, clinical form, addresses an individual traumatic
experience, which declares itself through a series of symptoms,
and which can potentially be cured. This is of course a simplification,
that there is something these scientific practices have in common—namely,
a certain idea of the present, which can be cured, and of the
future, which by this remedy can be saved. In both cases, however,
a reference to the traumatic past is necessary -- without this,
recovery or redemption is impossible.
I propose,
instead of trauma, to talk about catastrophe. The difference
between the two is that one cannot really recover after a catastrophe,
as one normally recovers after a trauma. Catastrophe is meta-traumatic.
It happens absolutely: at the beginning there is -- there was
-- always already the end. Catastrophe defines the borders of
a collective and the true sense of what we call history. By
catastrophe I mean, of course, what people do to other people
or to nature, and what nature or gods do to people: wars, genocide,
bomb explosions, hurricanes, earthquakes, volcanic eruptions,
but also certain legendary events, like the expulsion of humans
from Paradise, the Flood, and of course, the Apocalypse. Above
all, I am thinking about the catastrophe of one’s own
existence, this apocalypse of the now -- the irredeemable nature
of a single present moment. You cannot change anything; the
worst is what just happened: your beloved just died, your child
just died, a giraffe in the zoo just died, god died, too, you
yourself just died or woke up in your bed in the body of an
uncanny insect, like Kafka’s Gregor Samsa.
As opposed
to what is usually said, catastrophe’s time is not in
the future, but in the present, which we can only grasp as the
past, because it flows, just as the waters of the Flood: time
itself is catastrophic. Catastrophe is what already happened,
no matter how long ago -- it happened in prehistory, or it’s
happening right now, although people are still expecting some
bigger, ultimate catastrophe in the future, as if the previous
ones did not really count. I want to make this point as clear
as possible. Our collective imagination, overwhelmed by all
kinds of pictures and scenarios of a future final collapse --
be it another world war, Armageddon, an alien invasion, an epidemic
or a pandemic, a zombie virus, a robot uprising, an ecological
or natural catastrophe -- is nothing but projections of this
past-present. We project onto the future what we cannot endure
as something which already occurred, or which is happening now.
We still believe that the worst is yet to come -- it is a perspective,
but not a reality, and therefore our reality is still not that
bad. A fear of the future and anxiety about some indefinite
event (we will all die) is easier to suffer than a certain,
irreparable, and irreversible horror that has just happened
(we are all already dead).
There is,
however, a difference between reality (which is still not that
bad) and the real. There are two times: the time of so-called
reality, and real, or catastrophic, time, which flows, irreversibly,
like music. The time of so-called reality gives us a delusion
of the present and the future, to which we are dedicated and
where we believe there is salvation. We look to the future and
for the future; we have visions of future catastrophes, and
these visions prevent us from grasping the catastrophe of the
real, or the real catastrophe, which just happens. Only Walter
Benjamin’s angel, Angelus Novus from Klee’s painting,
sees history as “one single catastrophe,” at which
he looks back with horror: “The angel would like to stay,
awaken the dead, and make whole what has been smashed. But a
storm is blowing from Paradise; it has got caught in his wings
with such violence that the angel can no longer close them.”
An early and
well-known version of the final worldwide catastrophe is presented
in chapters 6–8 of Genesis. At a certain moment, God regretted
what he had created, because people committed too much sin.
He decided to destroy everything, to erase all flesh from the
face of the earth in order to give humanity another chance.
Although animals didn’t commit any sins, they too had
to share this destiny. Along with his family, Noah was obliged
by God to take along animals of all species -- of every clean
animal by sevens, male and female, and of every unclean animal
by couples, male and female.
In some paintings
dedicated to this story, we see the ark, Noah’s family,
and an enormous crowd of animals queuing to get in. Perhaps
there was panic, like in our apocalyptic movies where there
is a very limited transport vessel and an unlimited number of
people trying to board it. It is the only way to be saved from
the virus, from the zombie attack, or, just like in Noah’s
case, from some global natural disaster: two, four, six, seven
-- “No, sorry,” Noah may say to the last in line,
“we have enough of your kind.” The last of each
species enters, the doors of the ship are closed, the abyss
of the sky opens, and cold waters cover the earth.
In the recent
American film version of this story by Darren Aronofsky, the
eponymous Noah (Russell Crowe) doesn’t really get any
direct instructions from God. He only gets signs, which he decodes
in his own way, and perhaps incorrectly. From the very beginning,
when he starts to build the ship, until the end, when he desperately
goes on drinking upon arrival, he is constantly doubting his
interpretation of God’s will. At a certain point, all
of the preselected animals, already in order, simply come to
the ark and occupy their respective places. Of course, God cannot
talk directly to this Noah, as he did to the other Noah of Genesis,
because this new Noah is supposed to be a man of free choice
-- a true American who will save the world. What is interesting
about the film is one of Noah’s dream-like visions: a
water column full of dead and dying, drowning bodies of humans
and other animals. That’s how a catastrophe might really
look from inside, from the point of view of the one who is there
in the water -- here is a girl, hands up, here is a small elephant,
a snake, a mess of beasts of all sizes, all slightly losing
their power of resistance and going to the bottom, together
with plants, fragments of things and debris.
Most often
we tend to identify ourselves with those who will be saved.
We think of ourselves as one of those chosen seven of our species
who were taken onboard -- one of those who managed to go through
the holy police cordon, behind which the damned, the sinners,
the infected, the losers and all the others were left. In our
reality-time imagination we all belong to Noah’s family;
we look at the disaster from outside, from the ark, so that
only the water’s surface can be seen, and not what is
going on in its depths -- in the real-time of the catastrophe.
It still did not happen to us, it happened to someone else,
and for those in the water, it’s really happening -- that’s
why I say that they are living through, or rather dying through,
a real, or catastrophic, time. In reality-time, in turn, the
waters are still coming closer and closer, the catastrophe can
and will happen, and we need to be prepared for it -- at least
that’s what popular Christian culture teaches us, constantly
bringing us new material for daydreaming about our disastrous
future (in which, if we are good enough, we will be finally
saved).
Some people
are still trying to search for signs of a forthcoming apocalypse
in the Book of Revelation, the final book of the New Testament,
as if ignoring the fact that someone named John, the author
of this book, dating approximately from the first century AD,
proclaimed that “the time is at hand, all this will happen
shortly.” Although all the relevant data are encoded according
to an opaque biblical numerology, most researchers who address
this question seem to agree that the number of the beast of
the Apocalypse -- a numerical version of the Antichrist -- points
to the name of Nero the Emperor of Rome, who, together with
Domitian, was known as a very cruel dictator, massacring and
persecuting early Christian communities. As Engels indicates
in his short essay on the Book of Revelation (1883), with a
reference to Ernst Renan, these communities in that era “were
rather like local sections of the International Working Men’s
Association.” The author of the book was himself most
likely one of the victims of this mass repression, and he wrote
this book on Patmos Island, to which he was exiled by the Romans
for believing in “the word of God and for the testimony
of Jesus Christ.”
The very word
Apokalypsis, from the Koine Greek, means ‘unveiling’
or ‘revelation.’ It unveils and reveals the truth
about a certain reality. As far as it unveils (i.e., unveils
what is), etymologically, the apocalypse is always now. “How
Christianity looked in 68 [AD] we can here see as in a mirror,”
Engels says about the Book of Revelation, thus perfectly grasping
a mirroring relationship between reality and the real, revealed
through this peculiar numerology. In this sense, Revelation
is a book on history, which depicts the religious and class
struggle of that time, and addresses Christians with a call
for solidarity: note that John does not address just anyone;
his book contains messages for the seven churches of Asia, i.e.,
the existing Christian communities of his day. “The apocalypse
is now, don’t give up” -- that’s how one would
now translate John’s message.
If we believe
that John’s apocalypse was already at hand, doesn’t
this mean that, for now, the catastrophe he revealed has already
happened, the world is over, and we are now all living in the
post-apocalypse? And if the world is over, how is it possible,
then, not to give up? Alexander Men, a Russian Orthodox priest,
theologian, and biblical scholar, who was murdered in 1990 by
an axe-wielding assailant, replies to this question in his lecture
dedicated to The Book of the Revelation (1989): “The end
of the world is a permanent reality; it constantly repeats.”
Man interprets it in a very Christian way: there is a catastrophe,
and there is a salvation; all turning points in history are
apocalyptic, the struggle between good and evil repeats again
and again, and the good may even win each time a believer opens
the door of his heart to Jesus, who knocks there.
But isn’t
it true that, if there is no god, a catastrophe should happen
alone, without the necessary supplement of salvation? In this
case, one can still say that the end of the world is a permanent
reality. This will just mean that the time of the real sometimes
simply catches reality-time by its tail, or breaks its screen,
behind which there is neither future, nor even present. The
catastrophe of the real makes the reality of the catastrophe
permanent. That’s how one would explain (although there
are various possible explanations -- since the story is true,
its interpretation is infinite) the fact that the event of the
apocalypse constantly repeats.
One of the
relatively secular, modern versions of the apocalypse is the
idea of the end of history, presented by Alexander Kojève,
based on his (mis)reading of Hegel. While for Hegel the movement
of spirit is both historical and eternal, and the end can be
understood in terms of the goal of history, which coincides
with the dialectical development of reason, knowledge, and so
forth, Kojève simply declares that history is over --
that nothing really new can ever happen on earth. It seems that
there is nothing catastrophic about this version, except for
its assertion that there is no more future.
.
The beginning of time, according to Kojève, coincides
with the appearance of man. Before this moment, there is no
time. There is only natural being, or space, and animals that
inhabit this space. History starts when, at a certain point,
one of those animals turns into a man. The appearance of man
as an active, suffering, fighting, and working nothingness will
introduce history and time, and in the process, will negate
the naturally given multitude of beings for the benefit of his
supernatural, ideal goals. Human beings open history, which
will be the history of struggles, wars, and revolutions through
which they actively change the world.
The point
is that the end of history should coincide with its beginning,
and at the end of History, human beings should turn back into
animals. Kojèvian history goes around only once, with
no repetition, and this is the history of becoming human, which
is already over. To finalize history, man has to create a universal
homogeneous state of mutual recognition -- a state of the total
satisfaction of all desires. At the end of history, man does
not need to change the world, to work and to fight any longer;
satisfaction is possible here and now.
Following
Kojève’s logic, this point was theoretically already
achieved -- after the battle of Jena, since even Hegel saw Napoleon
as a world spirit riding on horseback:
In and by this battle the vanguard of humanity virtually attained
the limit and the aim, that is, the end, of Man’s historical
evolution. What has happened since then was but an extension
in space of the universal revolutionary force actualized in
France by Robespierre-Napoleon. From the authentically historical
point of view, the two world wars with their retinue of large
and small revolutions had only the effect of bringing the backward
civilizations of the peripheral provinces into line with the
most advanced (real or virtual) European historical positions.
I must note
that, even before Kojève, apocalyptic expectations of
Napoleon were prominent, especially in Russian literature and
particularly in Tolstoy’s War and Peace and Gogol’s
Dead Souls. Thus, one of Tolstoy’s characters,
Pierre Bezukhov, is obsessed with the idea that Napoleon is
the true Antichrist, whose name, when written in French and
deciphered according to an ancient numerical plate, is the same
666 as the beast of the Apocalypse. The main character of Gogol’s
novel, Chichikov, travels across rural Russia and literally
collects dead souls. People spread various rumors about him,
among them a theory that Chichikov was Napoleon, escaped from
St. Helena and travelling about the world in disguise. And if
it should be supposed that no such notion could possibly have
been broached, let the reader remember that these events took
place not many years after the French had been driven out of
Russia, and that various prophets had since declared that Napoleon
was Antichrist, and would one day escape from his island prison
to exercise universal sway on earth. Nay, some good folk had
even declared the letters of Napoleon’s name to constitute
the Apocalyptic cipher.
From Hegel’s
Phenomenology of Spirit, which was finished in 1807, to
Gogol’s Dead Souls, published in 1842, the Emperor-horseman
of the Apocalypse took a long journey through Europe to Russia
and back, in order to end up, after one century, celebrated
in a secular apocalypse by Kojève. The battle of Jena
was a kind of Kojèvian Armageddon, where “European
historical positions” finally won, with a universal state
now on the way -- there was nothing left for it to do but fit
a certain social reality, find a good-enough state that could
serve as a model for further post-historical unfolding.
Of course,
such a state was soon indicated -- first in Kojève’s
own, rather ironic note about the American way of life, with
its expanding consumption as a perfect example of human beings
turning back into animals (although Kojève himself in
fact proposed several other exemplars of this, including Russia
and Japan). Then followed the more popular and official version
by Francis Fukuyama, who literally and positively identified
the end of history with American liberal democracy and contemporary
capitalism.
A very clear
and simple objection to this can be raised from the point of
view of communist eschatology. “The history of all hitherto
existing society is the history of class struggles,” write
Marx and Engels in The Communist Manifesto. As long as the struggle
continues, history goes on. While for a capitalist ideologist
like Fukuyama, the final battle has already been won (and thus
the winner makes history his property, which is now commodified,
carefully stored, or just thrown off, but never freely distributed),
for a communist, Armageddon is still to come (unless it’s
going on right now). A communist cannot let the enemy have history.
Just like the early Christians, he doesn’t want to give
up: for this reason, he needs to believe that history continues.
This makes sense. Imagine if someone stole all the drinkable
water on earth. A thirsty crowd is knocking on the thief’s
door and asking for water. The water is gone, he says to them,
but they know that the water is not gone, that it was just stolen.
Capitalism is like this: it steals water. But imagine if there
is really no more water, if the enemy really won and has already
devastated and dehydrated the land. This is a catastrophe, somehow
opposite to the Flood -- the Thirst.
There are,
however, some versions of the end of history which, I must say,
come quite close to the Kojèvian version, although they
explicitly belong to the field of anti-capitalist thought. Thus,
the theory of the multitude proposed by Antonio Negri and Michael
Hardt implies that we are now living in a world of global empire.
In this world, the traditional industrial proletariat does not
exist anymore -- it has already disappeared, and instead of
class struggle, a creative multitude of singularities develops
out of its own life an immanent resistance to capitalism (thus
we have the totality of global capital and its immanent resistance).
Traditional national states are dying too, giving way to transnational
capital, which does not know borders.
If we try
to apply these theses to our reality and read them through our
reality-time, they immediately lose any sense (although a lot
of Western people take them literally and truly believe that
immaterial labour has now replaced material labour, and the
global has replaced the national). Of course, material workers
are still here, they still create all that we have in our daily
lives -- all those dresses, cars, Coca-Colas. This world of
commodities we live in is a result of the highly exploited and
totally noncreative material labour of the people in the third
world, of migrants, of the poor.
Though they
are not socially represented, material labourers are here, and
their existence must not be ignored. The nation-state is still
here too -- capitalism and the nation-state still go hand in
hand, and the imperialist tendencies of capital only increase
the role of the nation-state, when it’s needed (look at
Russia and Ukraine, at Israel, at Syria, at the new debates
about migration policy in Europe, at the new discussion on identity/integration,
sovereignty, and so forth). The multitude and capital are not
just two entities existing in front of each other: the undead
nation-state stands in between them, and when needed, prevents
the multitude from acquiring a class consciousness (that’s
how, for example, political protests in non-Western countries,
where the working class never ceased to exist, easily transform
into national/ethnic conflicts). In short, such leftist versions
of the end of history seem to be refuted by history itself,
which goes on and on.
To this reasonable
objection to the post-modern anti-capitalist form of the end
of history, one could reply that these ideas can actually make
sense, but from an apocalyptic perspective: they can be read
as a new apocalypse for the left. Another evil empire wins,
and another community doesn’t give up. And again, like
any apocalypse, this one gives way to futurist and messianic
visions of a forthcoming catastrophe, followed by salvation.
Thus, contemporary accelerationists seem to seriously care about
the future; it should be snatched from the enemy’s claws.
The future should be pushed forward to the very brink of capitalist
catastrophe: capitalism will destroy itself and the world around
it sooner or later, but our task is to outrun its catastrophic
sprint, to pass ahead. (In a way, the Accelerationist Manifesto
sounds like the plot of an old Soviet science fiction story,
where scientists from a faraway communist future go back to
the past with a time machine to prevent a catastrophe.) But
isn’t capitalism itself a catastrophe? Does it not kill
workers? Isn’t, finally, the number of the capitalist
beast inscribed into the barcode of every commodity, as some
crazy Christians never stop warning?
Finally, I
will mention yet another thinker who raised an objection to
both the capitalist and the communist end of history. In his
“Letter to X, Lecturer on Hegel,” written in 1937,
Bataille famously says:
If action (doing) is -- as Hegel says -- negativity, the question
arises as to whether the negativity of one who has “nothing
more to do” disappears or remains in a state of “unemployed
negativity.” Personally, I can only decide in one way,
being myself precisely this “unemployed negativity”
(I would not be able to define myself more precisely). I don’t
mind Hegel’s having foreseen this possibility; at least
he didn’t situate it at the conclusion of the process
he described. I imagine that my life -- or, better yet, its
aborting, the open wound that is my life—constitutes all
by itself the refutation of Hegel’s closed system.
This looks
like a very personal objection, even a spectacular one (what
about me?). Bataille continued to develop this argument, particularly
in his The Accursed Share, where he links it to his version
of political economy. Quite simply, the end of history would
mean the end of social inequalities (which is a final goal of
communism), and as far as these inequalities continue to exist,
history cannot be ended. But even communism cannot really, according
to Bataille, effectively achieve its goal -- it wants to eliminate
differences for the sake of a universal humanity, but humanity
itself is divided between the human, the nonhuman, and the more
or less human. Humanity itself is distributed unequally -- as
far as we negate ourselves as animals, history doesn’t
have an end, at least a happy end. And, unlike Kojève,
Bataille insists that we cannot transform into animals again
-- becoming human is irreversible (an open wound is produced
by humans’ separation from animality, and this is what
it means to be a human being).
This appears
to be a true deadlock, for which only a yet bigger deadlock
can provide a kind of solution. What really eliminates differences
is catastrophe: in the waters of the Flood, everyone is equal.
I am arguing not for a messianic, but a catastrophic communism,
i.e., the end of the world taken in its real-time. In this time,
the end of the end of history doesn’t mean that we still
have a future, and that it will get better or worse. It will
not get worse, it’s already worse. All of these phenomena
that are associated with reality and that are supposed to reemerge
after the new beginning of history -- wars, repression, butchery,
and so forth -- are really visions of our present zombie apocalypse.
The end of the end as the real end would mean an encounter between
reality-time and real-time. It would force us to accept the
fact of our real-time apocalypse, and to take it over as the
only true revolutionary situation -- a situation where there
is no hope, but only despair. In this situation, we cannot keep
waiting for a future catastrophe (with a happy end); a messianic
moment of hope, of believing in the future and in the idea that
we are still full of life, puts us to sleep, lost in dreams.
Only when already dead, and facing no future, do we really have
nothing to lose.
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