THE MEANINGS OF DISGUSTING ART
by
FILIPPO CONTESI
_______________________________________________________
Filippo
Contesi is an Italian philosopher, currently working on emotions,
the arts and linguistic justice. He has a PhD in Philosophy from
the University of York. More of his work is available at: http://contesi.wordpress.com.
Originally published as: Filippo Contesi, "The Meanings of
Disgusting Art",
Essays in Philosophy, 17:1, 68--94,
INTRODUCTION
Disgust
is generally considered one of a limited number of basic emotions,
that are commonly considered to be universally hard-wired in humans.
It should then come as no surprise that disgusting art (art that
warrants an appreciator’s response of disgust) has been
around for nearly as long as art itself. Aspects of art that elicit
disgust can be found in almost all ages, art forms, genres, and
in many different artists. On the other hand, it is perhaps more
striking that disgusting art has generally been neglected by aesthetics
and philosophical thinking about the arts. Many other emotions,
including variants of most basic emotions, have instead been discussed
a lot more often (fear, anger, sadness, pity, not to talk about
more pleasant emotions).
One period
in which aesthetics addressed the role of disgust in art with
some systematicity was the eighteenth century, especially in German-speaking
circles. The issue was initially discussed in the writings of
Johann Adolf Schlegel and his brother Johann Elias, and subsequently
by such venerable authors as Moses Mendelssohn, Gotthold E. Lessing
and Immanuel Kant. Although these authors showed some differences
of opinion, they all expressed the negative view according to
which disgust, unique amongst unpleasant emotions, was incompatible
with aesthetic value -- at least in the great majority of cases.
Either
under the influence of this eighteenth-century view, or, to use
Arthur Danto’s phrase, of a general ‘unmentionability’
of disgust, philosophical aesthetics in the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries generally (continued to) neglect disgust. By contrast,
sections of contemporary art history and criticism, as well as
of cultural theory, proved more systematically interested in disgusting
art. In fact, disgust appeared, and still appears to many, to
be a conspicuous presence in the contemporary art world. Such
was for instance the opinion of art historian Jean Clair, former
director of the Musée Picasso in Paris. As he pithily summarized
it, ‘[T]he times of disgust have replaced the age of taste.’
These circumstances have put extra pressure on the defenders of
the traditional, eighteenth-century view sketched above.
It is
time for a new cycle of serious philosophical engagement with
disgusting art to start. Much has of course changed since the
eighteenth century. In particular, we now have a significant amount
of carefully collected evidence about the workings of disgust
(courtesy of the experimental work done in the last three decades
in the cognitive sciences). Moreover, philosophical mainstream
views about art and value and, to some extent, about common artistic
tastes have meanwhile become more open-minded. In particular,
it has become difficult to endorse a view of the value of art
that would have been common in the eighteenth century, viz. the
view that makes artistic value coincide with aesthetic pleasure.
For instance, it is easy to see that the value of disgusting art
may in many cases reside in rewards that are to an extent extrinsic
to the aesthetic-emotional experience narrowly construed. Of this
kind are for example the cognitive rewards that for Noël
Carroll Carroll are a crucial part of the artistic value that
is distinctive of horror fictions. Nonetheless, Carolyn Korsmeyer,
in reviving the topic of disgusting art in contemporary aesthetics,
has argued against both cognitive accounts à la Carroll
and the received eighteenth-century view. My central aim is to
offer reasons to doubt the plausibility of Korsmeyer’s account
of the aesthetic value of disgusting art.
CAROLYN
KORSMEYER
Arguing
against accounts of disgusting art that locate its value in the
cognitive rewards that it sometimes affords, Korsmeyer recently
advocated a more holistic, integrated account that locates the
value of disgusting art in the aesthetic-emotional experience
itself. By contrast, arguing against the received eighteenth-century
view of disgust as a poor ingredient for great art, she optimistically
reaffirmed the potential of disgusting art to achieve the highest
peaks of aesthetic value. Nonetheless, Korsmeyer’s account
of disgusting art’s aesthetic value is close to the kind
of general account of aesthetic value that many in the eighteenth
century endorsed. In her own words, her aim is to
emphasize
the capacity of disgust to impart an intuitive, felt grasp of
the significance of its object. As Paul Guyer puts it in a summary
of the contribution of Alexander Baumgarten […] “The
particular feature of sensory perception that is exploited for
the unique pleasure of aesthetic experience . . . is its richness,
the possibility of conveying a lot of information through a
single pregnant image . . . ”
The key
claim in Korsmeyer’s view is that disgust can be part of
aesthetic appreciation, its unpleasantness notwithstanding. This
is so insofar as disgust offers cognitive riches that command
an appreciator’s interest and attention (or ‘absorption,’
to use Korsmeyer’s term). This is not, she clarifies, simply
to say that cognitive rewards compensate for the emotion’s
unpleasantness. On her view, the appreciator can ‘savour’
disgust itself in virtue of the ideas that the emotion embodies.
She argues that ‘emotions have meaning -- have semantic
content -- that is delivered by the bodily changes that define
them.’ In a jargon that is more familiar to contemporary
philosophical discussions of the emotions, the semantic content
that an emotion can embody can be called the ‘cognitive’
content, or component, of the emotion.
In this
respect, what for Korsmeyer is most distinctive of disgust, as
well as especially apt to aesthetic appreciation, are meanings
connected with human mortality. Disgust, she says, ‘means
decay, putrefaction, disintegration: death.’ But, she adds,
fear, too, is semantically associated with death, for the fearsome
also represents threats to our life. Nonetheless, the disgusting
and the fearsome are associated with mortality in different ways.
Unlike fearsome objects,
objects
that disgust pose long-term threats that are all the worse for
being absolutely inexorable. Disgust is more of a response to
the transition between life and death . . .
On Korsmeyer’s
view, then, fear and disgust are both associated with mortality,
but disgust’s association with mortality is more specifically
an association with the transition from life to death. It is worth
noting that Korsmeyer’s argument assumes that there is a
one-way entailment between a semantic connection with the transition
from life to death and a semantic connection with mortality. For
her, fear and disgust both concern mortality but the latter’s
association with the transition from life to death is what differentiates
disgust from fear. The semantic entailment from life -- death
transition to mortality looks plausible enough: whatever transitions
from life to death is necessarily mortal (even if, as Christians
think of Jesus, this transition might be reversible). However,
the conceptual connection also runs the other way: whatever is
mortal is such only insofar as it can, and at some point does,
transition from life to death. Perhaps, however, Korsmeyer’s
notion of a semantic connection is meant to be more psychological
than conceptual. In this sense, it would seem as though the transition
from life to death more easily (more often, or for more people)
brings to mind, or makes one think of mortality, than mortality
brings to mind transition from life to death. Nonetheless, this
is an eminently empirical issue, which seems far from obviously
settled.
There
are two ways in which Korsmeyer motivates the semantic connection
between disgust and the transition from life to death. One way
was already suggested in the passage quoted earlier: ‘objects
that disgust pose long-term threats that are all the worse for
being absolutely inexorable.’ In the light of the current
best empirical understanding of disgust, it is in fact very plausible
that disgust evolved to protect us from such long-term threats
as diseases. Nonetheless, not all disgust elicitors are threats
to our well-being: worms are disgusting to many but are not especially
dangerous in terms of human diseases; the same is true of cheese
and other dairy products, which to some are disgusting.
The second
motivation for disgust’s connection with life-death transition
that Korsmeyer offers is that, immediately after death, we rot
and become individually indistinct like many disgusting things.
Besides
the human corpse, several other common disgust elicitors are putrefying
substances and thus bear some resemblance to humans after their
death: animal corpses, of course, but also faeces, and organic
rubbish more generally. Here again, however, counter-examples
can be easily found, as many common disgust elicitors are neither
rotting nor individually indistinct: amputated bodies, for instance,
but also bodily secreta like spit and mucus.
ALTERNATIVE
VIEWS
Some
may not be convinced by my appeal to these counter-examples. Beyond
threats to well-being and individual indistinctness, these critics
would mention additional ways to connect particular disgust elicitors
with the idea of mortality or of transition between life and death.
One kind of option in this respect is offered by views that insist
on disgust’s alleged role in coping with our fear of death.
Such views have their most influential instance in Rozin and collaborators’
view of the disgusting (or at least of a proper sub-set of it)
as a reminder of our animalness: ‘[a]nything that reminds
us that we are animals elicits disgust.’ On this view, one
of the functions of disgust is to keep us humans at a psychologically
healthy distance from reminders of our own animal nature, and
hence of our own mortality. Without disgust, on such a view, we
would have been a lot less successful in our evolutionary fight
for survival and reproduction, because paralyzed by the prospect
of dying.
This
view, initially quite influential (partly as a result of the pioneering
and landmark status of Rozin and collaborators’ overall
work on disgust), has recently lost the favour of much of the
scientific community while many other aspects of their overall
views and results on disgust are still very much mainstream. It
is certainly true that a lot of common disgust elicitors bear
some association with animalness, since most if not all of them
are organic substances. However, the view that disgust is a defense
against the idea of animalness is hardly compatible with the widespread
evidence suggesting that we do not have any general aversion to
animals. For one thing, as Royzman and Sabini point out, we share
very many anatomical and behavioural features with non-human animals
and a lot of these are not typically disgusting: legs, arms, eyes,
walking, running, breathing, scratching, stretching etc. In fact,
we have very favourable attitudes towards several features of
many animals: cats and the way they jump, horses and their gait
etc.
It is
also highly debatable that non-human animals have for us a special
connection with mortality. We have ample occasion to witness mortality
in our own species. If there is anything that we often associate
with animals generally, that is perhaps a lack of intelligence,
or elegance, or of civility (even though in the right circumstances
even these associations are reversed: and so foxes are cunning,
giraffes move graciously etc.).
Although
from a decidedly more philosophical perspective, Colin McGinn
has also argued for a connection between disgust and human mortality.
After putting forward counter-examples to many alternative accounts
of the distinctive cognitive components of disgust, McGinn advances
his own ‘death-in-life theory.’ On this theory, what
disgusts does so insofar as it reminds one, or makes one think
of, ‘death as presented in the form of living tissue.’
For the purposes of the theory, however, not any life or death
will do, but only ‘the notions of life and death as they
apply to a conscious being.’
The three
cognitive components here identified by McGinn, i.e. death, life
and consciousness, are for him each necessary, but only jointly
sufficient, for disgustingness. (For example, death is not sufficient,
because, he suggests, bones are not disgusting). On such a very
common disgust elicitor as the (human) corpse, McGinn’s
theory fares quite well: corpses are disgusting because they make
us think of death; but they also make us think of life (for corpses
bear some signs of life, e.g. in the form of bacterial activity).
Moreover, they make us think of life and death, as these apply
to conscious, human beings. Here I understand McGinn’s theory
as requiring only a general connection with life and death as
they apply to a conscious being. The formulation appealing to
‘death as presented in the form of living tissue’
is certainly more suggestive, but it is also too metaphorical
to be handled with ease. Corpses are not literally death. The
case of corpses also fits well with Korsmeyer’s idea of
a transition from life to death (even if McGinn’s account
is not obviously concerned with such a transition).
However,
McGinn’s theory has much more trouble with other disgust
elicitors. To be sure, the formulation of his theory that I am
considering has quite a wide scope. This is it:
(MGD)
Something is disgusting if and only if it reminds us of life
and death as they apply to a conscious being.
Still,
the theory suffers from serious difficulties, including the existence
of counter-examples on both the sufficiency and the necessity
sides of MGD. Of the disgustingness of faeces, for instance, McGinn
says that ‘life and death exist co-presently in’ them.
There is death in them because they are the end-product of digestion:
‘the digestive process takes living things as input and
delivers dead things as output [...] the rectum is a grave.’
But there is also life in them, insofar as digestion, of which
they are a part, is a living process and ‘the very foundation
of all animal life.’ Moreover, faeces are organic matter
(life) but seem inanimate (death). This characterization of faeces
may be thought-provoking as a cultural analysis of some people’s
perceptions of bodily excreta. But it puts under stress the plausibility
of McGinn’s theory. His reasons for faeces’ being
at the same time dead and alive are essentially metaphorical or
figurative —and, in fact, involve several different metaphors
and figures of speech. Faeces are dead qua end-product of digestion
(end-as-death), or they are dead as they do not move (death-as-immobility).
By contrast, they are alive because they take part in life (metonymy),
but also because they are organic matter (possibly the only literal
statement or, in another sense, metonymical).
The
appeal to metaphors is in principle acceptable for a theory that
relies on associations of ideas, or to what-makes-one-think-of.
Think of the limbs of an elephantiasic or of The Elephant Man’s
face in the 1980 eponymous Lynch movie: no part of the body in
these cases is or appears severed. If anything, the relevant disgustingness
seems to arise from excess, rather than from subtraction. Here,
too, of course, McGinn might be able to suggest an ingenious connection.
As is the case with resemblance, metaphors and figures of speech
can pretty much connect anything with anything else. The issue
however remains the plausibility of such a connection as a reason
for disgust.
Finally,
and even less plausibly, McGinn attributes the disgustingness
of some insects (those that do not have frequent contact with
faeces or with other disgust elicitors) to their ‘lying
between life and death.’ They are alive, obviously, but
they are ‘also curiously machinelike -- with [their] hard
exterior, [their] coolness to the touch, and [their] mechanical
behaviour;’ they are ‘close to tiny robots.’
Here McGinn’s suggestion is that machines and robots remind
us of death because they are lifeless (another metonymy). And
yet, robots are not disgusting because, McGinn adds, ‘they
are not organic.’ Fair enough, but then why should the figures
of speech stop at this? Why, for instance, does robots’
animation not remind us of life?
Against
William Ian Miller’s suggestion that what really disgusts
is the life soup, or ‘the capacity for life,’ McGinn
himself correctly suggests the following:
what
makes certain life processes disgusting and others not? We need
an independent criterion of the disgusting to answer that question,
since the concept of life itself is too broad to capture the
range of objects that disgust us. Talk of soup […] is
all well and good, but these are metaphors, in need of literal
interpretation.
McGinn’s
own account is vulnerable to this very same criticism.
THE FORMAL
OBJECT OF DISGUST
One may
still object that the existence of the counter-examples advanced
in the previous two sections should not be seen as a problem for
Korsmeyer’s account of the aesthetic value of disgust. The
semantic association to which Korsmeyer appeals is in fact meant
to be part of the cognitive content of the emotion of disgust.
As I noted earlier, the aesthetic value of disgust for her does
not lie in a merely extrinsic connection (e.g. a co-occurrence)
between certain ideas associated with an object, and a certain
feeling or emotion directed towards the same object. A merely
extrinsic connection would in fact make the aesthetic value of
disgusting art best accounted for by a cognitivist theory. Instead,
the meanings to which Korsmeyer appeals cannot but be part of
disgust’s cognitive content. What this means can be clarified
in terms of the notion of the formal object of an emotion.
On a
rough-and-ready characterization, the formal object of an emotion
is the property that an emotion ascribes to its intentional object
(or to the object that the emotion is about). The formal object
of fear, for instance, is the property of being immediately threatening
(or of being immediately threatening to the prospective emoter
or to those that she cares about). Part of what it means to be
afraid of something, in other words, is to understand that something
as an immediate threat. Similarly, the formal object of anger
is thwarting desires or expectations or being a demeaning offense
(of/to the emoter’s or those that she cares about), and
the formal object of sadness is being a loss (for the emoter etc.).
More
generally, emotions have a cognitive content in the sense that
they ascribe a formal object to their intentional object. It is
only in virtue of such an ascription that Korsmeyer’s view
of emotions’ embodiment of meanings can be understood. The
meaning that fear embodies, for instance, is necessarily something
to do with the threat that the feared thing poses. If this is
correct, then Korsmeyer is committed to saying that the formal
object of disgust is, or has something important to do with, the
transition between life and death. Moreover, since embodied meanings
for Korsmeyer work as sources of aesthetic appreciation, the formal
object of disgust has to figure, with some non-null degree of
awareness, in the experience of an emoter/appreciator. Although
emotional experience will not be conscious all of the time, embodiment
of meanings without any (even just potential) awareness on the
part of the appreciator is not very useful from the point of view
of aesthetic appreciation.
As a
consequence, Korsmeyer’s view is in tension with the fact,
noted earlier, that there are things deemed disgusting that do
not have properties importantly connected with human mortality
(i.e. worms, cheese, spit etc.). Not only do such things lack
the relevant properties, but they are known (by emoters) to lack
those properties. Someone who is disgusted by such things does
not thereby ascribe those properties to them. In other words,
the formal object of disgust -- at least insofar as an emoter
can be aware of it -- should not be characterized in terms of
anything like human mortality or the transition from life to death.
Another
possible objection concerns my earlier characterizing as very
plausible the view that disgust evolved to defend us from such
long-term threats as diseases. If the distinctive evolutionary
benefit of disgust centres on long-term threats, then it would
seem that disgust’s formal object would do, too. In fear,
after all, the two things are intimately connected: the formal
object (i.e. being threatening) and the likely evolutionary benefit
of fear (i.e. alerting to and protecting from threats).
However,
disgust does not achieve its evolutionary benefit in the same
way that fear (and several other emotions) do. Fear achieves it
by incorporating a concern with threats in its formal object in
the way described. Generally speaking, I am afraid of something
if and only if I (more or less consciously) find it threatening.
Disgust achieves a similar goal, but does so differently.
On the
best scientific view of disgust currently available, each of us
has a hard-wired set of things or features of things that we are
prepared to find disgusting. As a consequence of such preparedness,
each of us will find it easier to acquire disgust towards items
in their preparedness set than towards items outside of it. Which
things one will be disposed to find disgusting depends on the
process of disgust acquisition. Disgust acquisition mostly, typically,
happens in an early ontogenetic window, and is heavily influenced
by the input provided to the baby by parents or tutors (e.g. during
toilet training). Afterwards, one’s list of disgust elicitors
can lose or acquire entries. The important point, however, is
that, in both early and later life, the main disgust acquisition
routes are evaluative conditioning (i.e. stimuli become disgusting
by co-occurring often with other, already disgusting, or otherwise
undesirable ones) and the law of contamination (things become
disgusting through contact with other things that are independently
deemed disgusting).
Among
other things, this means that disgust is, as some have called
it, a peculiarly ‘plastic’ emotion but I am not suggesting
that disgust has no formal object. What I am suggesting is simply
that, if disgust has a formal object, this cannot be formulated
in a way that is both (in principle) accessible to consciousness
(and hence directly valuable to aesthetic appreciation) and non-circular
(i.e. in a way that does not refer back to disgustingness itself).
In fact, contemporary attempts to formulate the formal object
of disgust follow two general routes. Either the formulation is
circular (i.e. is in terms of disgustingness or of conceptually
related properties), or it appeals to pre-conscious determining
factors (e.g. is in terms of disgust’s evolutionary design).
It is an interesting question, and one that divides scholars,
that of whether a characterization of the formal object of an
emotion in terms of that emotion is viciously circular. The answer
to this question crucially depends on what theoretical work one
wants the notion of formal object to do and on how one defines
it. I do not want to settle these issues here. The impossibility
to formulate a consciously accessible and non-circular formal
object for disgust is sufficient for my purposes. If there is
no such thing, then Korsmeyer’s appeal to ideas of mortality
cannot be useful in an account of the aesthetic value of disgust.
MORAL
DISGUST AND FUTURE RESEARCH
Korsmeyer
is wrong to claim that there is an internal connection between
disgust and the transition from life to death, or mortality generally,
that is relevant to aesthetic appreciation. This leaves open the
problem of accounting for the aesthetic value of disgust (including
the issue of whether or not there is such a thing). What I have
done is, however, to formulate some restrictions and caveats on
the kinds of meanings that can form the cognitive component of
disgust. These considerations should inform future research.
Also
a matter for future research is the role in art of what is often
called ‘moral disgust,’ including the plausibility
of a mortality account for morally disgusting art. My focus has
been on disgust as the reaction that is frequently elicited by
such bodily or material things as faeces and corpses. According
to the vast majority of contemporary cognitive science researchers,
this is the core or original disgust reaction. However, several
other phenomena -- some but not all of which emotional or affective
-- are also often called ‘disgust:’ from the extreme
lack of sexual interest in a potential partner to the profound
dislike for certain fashion trends or styles of music. These phenomena
are related to (bodily) disgust in various ways, depending on
the theories and on the specific cases in question; and the relevant
kinds of relationships vary from a merely metaphorical connection
to identity.
According
to a plausible view, bodily disgust is the evolutionarily primitive
affective mechanism that is then adapted (possibly starting from
our evolutionary past) to serve functions other than pathogen
avoidance in domains such as the sexual (mate selection and avoidance)
and the moral (social interaction management). Given the diversity
in functions, some, but not necessarily all, components of the
bodily disgust response are also part of the responses that are
typical of disgust-related mechanisms in other domains.
Moral
disgust in particular is an interesting case, because it shares
many features of the bodily disgust response, and yet its elicitors
are often very different kinds of things from the common elicitors
of bodily disgust. Although sometimes moral disgust may be elicited
by such bodily activities as gay sex (arguably eliciting in those
who feel it a mixture of bodily and moral disgust), frequent moral
disgust elicitors are such things as deception, Ponzi-scheme scams
or terrorist attacks. Moreover, moral disgust elicitors are often
actions or behaviours, rather than objects as is more commonly
the case with bodily disgust. On the other hand, there is reliable
evidence that moral disgust is sometimes accompanied by many of
the behavioural and physiological aspects of the disgust response.
Moral disgust is also sometimes accompanied by behavioural and
phenomenological responses appropriate to (sometimes even physical)
contamination.
Nevertheless,
bodily disgust is not the whole story in moral disgust. Judgements
of morality are important in moral disgust, but not nearly as
much (if at all) in bodily disgust -- and so are anger, indignation,
sometimes contempt etc. This is so notwithstanding the suggestion
that is sometimes expressed by the characterization of disgust
as a “moralizing emotion” (i.e. the suggestion that
judging something as disgusting is sometimes sufficient for judging
that thing as morally negative). This suggestion does not in fact
necessarily concern all (or even most) of what is disgusting.
Moreover, the evidence in support of said suggestion is still
far from conclusive. The consequence of the complex nature of
moral disgust is that accounting for the aesthetic value of morally
disgusting art will require a lot of future work. Such work will
however be able to build on the considerations concerning bodily
disgust.