the DT versus democracy
WHAT KIND OF SOCIETY PRODUCES DONALD TRUMP

by
HENRY A. GIROUX

__________________________________________

Henry A. Giroux currently holds the Global TV Network Chair Professorship at McMaster University in the English and Cultural Studies Department and a Distinguished Visiting Professorship at Ryerson University. He is the author of more than 50 books including The Educational Deficit and the War on Youth and Zombie Politics and Culture in the Age of Casino Capitalism. Many of his essays, including The Spectacle of Illiteracy, appear on his website at www.henryagiroux.com. His interview with Bill Moyers is must viewing.

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^{YOUR COMMENTS}Donald Trump is a cruder example of a social order that has always been deeply racist -- given its legacy of settler colonialism, chattel slavery and its violently enforced xenophobia. Trump exemplifies a no-holds-barred form of xenophobia that shares the ideologies of hate that produced the extremism that resulted in the Oklahoma City bombing, the right-wing militias that ambush immigrants on the border and the hardcore survivalists who argue that immigrants are undermining the foundation of a white Christian nation. This racist and xenophobic ideology, which he articulates whenever he appears before the media, is testimony to the degree to which racism is at the core of a society in which democracy is in eclipse.

In addition, Trump provides a more direct and arrogant persona that produces the ugliness of a society ruled entirely by finance capital and savage market values -- one that prides itself on the denigration of others, justice, compassion and equality. Trump is the hyperventilating yellow canary in the coal mine reminding us all that social death is a looming threat. He is emblematic of a kind of hypermasculinity that rules dead societies. He is the zombie with the blond wig holding a flamethrower behind his back. He is the perfect representation of the society of the spectacle with a perverse grin and the endless discourse of shock and humiliation. Trump’s hysterical rants are, as Frank Rich once argued, "another symptom of a political virus that can't be quarantined and whose cure is as yet unknown."

Trump is the unfiltered symbol of the new authoritarianism, emblematic of a kind of boots-on-your-face politics nurtured by an economic and cultural system that combines the endless search for capital with the unceasing production of violence. Trump is the living embodiment of the main character in the film American Psycho -- a symbol of corporate domination on steroids, an out of control authoritarian parading and performing unknowingly as a clown and as a symbol of unchecked narcissism and a bearer of a suffocating culture of fear. He is the symbol of a failed society and a declining social order.

What the US public needs is an ongoing analysis that connects Trump's remarks with a long history in the Republican Party and the larger society in which instances of racism, anti-immigration venom and disdain for the poor have qualified as standard rhetoric, procedure and policy for more extremists elements in the Republican Party and its more recent Tea Party wing. Such an analysis would have to connect Trump's remarks to the festering institutional and symbolic forms of racism and violence that have assumed the status of a low-intensity war in the United States, especially since the 1980s. This legacy of racism has been at the core of the American experience extending from slavery and Jim Crow to the murder of Emmett Till and the acts of racist violence, discourses and policies that marked the birth of the civil rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s. After 1980, it was evoked in the language of color blindness and more recently in the Orwellian discourse of a postracial society. All the while, its economic, political and social underpinnings remained the same. Trump has simply discarded the euphemisms and retreated to the crude, older discourse of overt racism and xenophobia.

Trump is indicative of a society marked by the inordinate influence in the political and cultural realms of religious fundamentalists who insist that progressives undermine the legacy of the United States as a white, Christian nation, that social justice is part of a Marxist ideology and is anti-Christian, that government represents the anti-Christ, and that supporting the permanent warfare state is central to the mission of the Christian right. Chris Hedges captures the authoritarian and militaristic elements in this type of Christian-right-wing fundamentalism. He writes:

The cult of masculinity, as in all fascist movements, pervades the ideology of the Christian right. The movement uses religion to sanctify military and heroic "virtues," glorify blind obedience and order over reason and conscience, and pander to the euphoria of collective emotions. Feminism and homosexuality, believers are told, have rendered the American male physically and spiritually impotent. Jesus, for the Christian right, is a man of action, casting out demons, battling the Antichrist, attacking hypocrites and ultimately slaying nonbelievers. This cult of masculinity, with its glorification of violence, is appealing to the powerless. It stokes the anger of many Americans, mostly white and economically disadvantaged, and encourages them to lash back at those who, they are told, seek to destroy them. The paranoia about the outside world is fostered by bizarre conspiracy theories, many of which are prominent in the rhetoric of those leading the government shutdown. Believers, especially now, are called to a perpetual state of war with the "secular humanist" state. The march, they believe, is irreversible. Global war, even nuclear war, is the joyful harbinger of the Second Coming. And leading the avenging armies is an angry, violent Messiah who dooms billions of apostates to death.

Trump is just one egregious exemplar of the party of white men who see themselves under siege by people of colour. It is also the party of buffoons and anti-intellectuals such as Rick Santorum and religious extremists who believe in apocalyptic prophecies and the Rapture. It is also the party of political fundamentalists who hate democracy, attack women's rights, destroy or underfund health-care programs that benefit the poor, turn back hard fought for voting rights, especially for black people, and believe governance is a tool of the financial elite.

Trump is simply the most outspoken member of a party of economic fundamentalists who believe that state power and corporate power are synonymous and that the forces of the market should govern all of social life. Trump is a more visible symbol of a party, if not social order, that produces massive inequality with policies that favor the rich and corporations and punish everyone else as well as those institutions that promote the common good.

Trump personifies perfectly a party of educational fundamentalists -- that is, a party that makes ignorance a priority while viewing evidence-based arguments as a liability, only to be dismissed with disdain. This is the party that censors textbooks, imposes mindless pedagogies of memorization and test taking on students (along with the Democratic Party), denies climate change has anything to do with human activity, supports creationism and floods the mainstream media with a never-ending stream of civic illiteracy.

Jeb Bush, considered a moderate politically, while governor of Florida signed a bill which declared that "American history shall be viewed as factual, not as constructed. That factual history, the law states, shall be viewed as knowable, teachable, and testable." For all intents and purposes, this bill did more than undermine any form of teaching that recognized history is subject to interpretation; it imposed a suffocating ideology on teachers and students by declaring that matters of debate and interpretation undermine the very process of teaching and learning. This is more than conceptual stupidity; it is an attack on reason itself, one that provides security for the apostles of state power who, as Noam Chomsky has argued, is intent on dismantling dissent in order to "protect themselves from the scrutiny of their own populations."

Richard Hofstadter once warned that anti-intellectualism was a strong undercurrent of American life. Not only was he right, but he would be shocked to discover that today anti-intellectualism has gone mainstream and not only has been normalized but validated by right-wing extremists governing the Republican Party, which Trump willingly embraces. For Trump, emotion vanquishes reason, understanding and thoughtfulness. Bullying and shock attacks now replace any viable notion of dialogue. Of course, Trump's embrace of ignorance and his willingness to make stupidity a trademark of his identity points to a number of forces in American life that are not mentioned in the media when Trump is denounced as illiterate. As Susan Jacoby has argued, these would include:

fundamentalist forms of religion in current America . . . the abysmal level of public education . . . the widespread inability to distinguish between science and pseudoscience . . . the dumbing-down of the media and politics [and] the consequences of a culture of serious reading being replaced by a rapid-fire, short-attention-span-provoking, over-stimulating, largely visual, information-spewing environment.

Trump is representative of a publicity-branding machine that funds and promotes conservative institutes that produce and legitimate anti-public intellectuals whose role is to snarl at the victims of poverty and other social problems, disdains public institutions in the service of the public good and does everything possible to promote a culture marked by a depoliticizing moral and political vacancy. Trump is simply the brash and strident clown leading a parade of politicians who are the ground troops for a new type of authoritarianism that rewards and revels in thoughtlessness and an updated revival of a survival-of-the-fittest ethic -- celebrated in his reality TV game show, "The Apprentice." Trump and his ilk of like-minded politicians are the brown shirts of our time dressed up in suits rather than menacing military uniforms. They are the brutes whose minds are unburdened by a complicated thought, choking on their own ignorance and moral and political certainties. They represent one register of neoliberalism and the army of hedge fund criminals who are aggressively attempting to destroy democracy in the United States.

Focusing exclusively on Trump's excesses, buffoonery and incendiary remarks is welcomed fodder for the mainstream media spectacle in which news is replaced by entertainment, violence and idiocy parading as serious commentary. It is also a political and depoliticizing diversion, a kind of reality TV show engineered to misrepresent reality rather than engage it critically. What should be addressed when reporting about Trump is not how offensive he is politically, intellectually and morally, but how he has come to symbolize something dangerous in US society -- a society increasingly haunted by the ghost of Pinochet and the legacy of other dictatorships -- as it quickly moves toward becoming an unapologetic authoritarian state.

Donald Trump is the face of a political system mired in corruption, an economic system that is as ruthless as it is authoritarian, and a culture that has lost its critical embrace of historical memory, public values and moral compass that inspires and energizes. We live in the age of not only the corrupt but also the shameless. Trump is simply the infantile and offensive persona of a society dominated by financial barbarians who are more than willing to place most Americans in strangulating debt, relegate young people to low paying jobs, impose levels of inequality that destroy families, produce life-threatening abjection, and celebrate corporate criminogenic cultures and institutions. Under such circumstances, the rich commit crimes with impunity while the poor are put in jail in record numbers. Depravity and illegality feed each other as words, sustained arguments and any vestige of thoughtfulness are replaced by sound bites, one-liners and promotional announcements. Under such circumstances, as many of Trump's interviews make clear, dialogue becomes a political liability and is replaced by the spectacle of bullying, shouting and unfettered arrogance.

Rather than focusing on Trump's idiotic statements, which offers him endless platforms in which to turn his buffoonery into a performance, there is a need to critically engage his performative displays within a broader context of political, economic and social corruption and the criminogenic policies and practices that sustain it and offer people points of identification. One important line of inquiry might focus on what cultural circuits, points of connection, internalized values, discourses and pedagogies of repression are responsible for both producing and legitimating the likes of Donald Trump. What does Trump's celebrity status and the conditions that produce it say about his connection to the group of despicable patriotic fakers, who largely constitute the Republican Party, a party with a long legacy of racism recently made clear in the debate over the Confederate flag and the synergies of hate it inspires?

How might Trump's sudden popularity among conservative constituencies be understood within a plethora of media platforms that serve to flatten consciousness, erase public memory and champion the thrills of the digital revolution at the expense of what Leon Wieseltier calls "the old pleasures of erudition and interpretation." What is the role between money in politics and Trump's run for the Republican presidential nomination? What does Trump's appearance within the current historical conjuncture suggest about the crisis of historical memory, agency and democracy? How might Trump's campaign be used not in the service of the spectacle but as a serious starting point for analyzing the deadening economic policies, persistent racism and culture of cruelty that mark neoliberal capitalism? How might the historical transition from the high point of social democracy under Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Lyndon Johnson to the start of neoliberal rule under Ronald Reagan and its endpoint under the presidential nomination of Donald Trump be understood in political, economic and pedagogical terms?

Rather than despair or laugh over the spectacle of Trump's media romp, a more promising beginning might be to recognize the utter intellectual, moral and political bankruptcy of the extremists now running the US government and economy of which Trump is symptomatic. This suggests the possibility of rethinking politics in the way the Black Lives Matter movement is doing, one that is connecting different groups under the banner not of isolated and short-lived protest demonstrations but calls for real ideological and structural change.

I believe that Trump's candidacy offers the possibility for a new discourse of critique and hope, of sustained criticism and the possibility to imagine what the next decade could be like in the advent of a massive, innovative social and political formation willing to unite a fragmented left around a call for a radical democracy, rather than simply liberal reforms. The good news is that economic domination, which is what Trump personifies, cannot by itself maintain an oppressive social system. Ruptures and contradictions happen under neoliberalism but they must be seized as a matter of informed consciousness, as a detour through new framing mechanisms and as an investment in new concepts, ideas and thoughts that unsettle common sense, offer new alternatives and infuse the present with a sense of a future that is ripe with new possibilities.

By Henry Giroux:
From School to the Prison Pipeline
Orwell & Huxely
American Sniper and Hollywood Heroism
Selfie Culture
The Age of Disposability
In the Shadow of the Atomic Bomb
Killing Machines and the Madness of the Military
The Age of Neoliberal Cruelty
The Politics of the Deep State
Challenging Casino Capitalism
Crisis in Democracy
America's Descent into Madness

 

 

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jbutler@ucn.ca
Henry Giroux hits the nail on the head again, as he so often does. In a perverse may, the Donald may be the best thing that happened to the Democrats, as even some republicans are revolted by his clownish and dangerous stupidity. If he is nominated, I would expect Hillary Clinton would win by a landslide. However, that is based on the assumption that most American voters have some intellectual capacity, and one should never, of course, underestimate the power of stupid people in large groups.

user-submission@feedback.com
My take on The Donald is America is in love, and the beloved can do no wrong. Whether or not this crazy little thing called love will survive until next November is anyone's guess -- but so far all the guesses have been wrong. The jaded public has watched America decline under both Democrats and Republicans during the past 25 years: they're willing to roll the dice. Also, his shooting of at the mouth is no different than Tom Dick and Harry speaking their minds around a B'BQ and a few beers. So while his rhetoric is -- in theory -- unacceptable for a presidential candidate, the public see themselves reflected in him and overlook in him what they are really overlooking in themselves. In other words he is appealing to the lowest common denominator which just happens to be the single largest voting group. I would not bet on a DT crash -- .

dondewey601@msn.com
When will we have the courage to see the situation in the Middle East and related areas as a political problem, not a religious one? Unlikely to be soon since as long as we can frame it within religious terms, it is "them over there, the non-Christians and non-Jews," while viewing developments as political would necessitate looking at American and Western policies in general and their impact on those regions. In short, just some more political cowardice covered as self-righteousness, leaving the field open to the hallucinations of a Trump and his sewer kind.