Nick
Catalano is a TV writer/producer and Professor of Literature
and Music at Pace University. He reviews books and music for
several journals and is the author of Clifford
Brown: The Life and Art of the Legendary Jazz Trumpeter,
New York
Nights: Performing, Producing and Writing in Gotham
and A
New Yorker at Sea. His latest book, Tales
of a Hamptons Sailor, is now available. For Nick's
reviews, visit his website: www.nickcatalano.net
THE
HOLOCAUST: NEW RATIONALIZATIONS
Much
controversy has developed over the recent publication of Timothy
Snyder’s book Black Earth: The Holocaust as History
and Warning. In the book Snyder spends most of his time
carefully parsing Hitler’s takeovers in Eastern Europe,
Poland, Austria, Czechoslovakia and the Baltic states. In his
view, the statelessness that resulted after these conquests
and the invasion of Russia exacerbated enmity towards Jews that
had already existed in these areas. The statelessness sparked
massive murders of Slavs, Balts and Jews and it is this widespread
violence which constitutes the true parameters of the Holocaust.
Thus focusing on the industrialized gassings in Auschwitz and
Treblinka provides a distorted picture of the tragedy.
Snyder
lays blame on Stalin and destructive Soviet policy in Eastern
Europe (particularly Ukraine) during the 1930’s . Here
the anti-semitism of local populations provided a setting which
later facilitated Hitler’s murderous actions. Snyder employs
careful scholarly methods as he painstakingly illustrates the
pockets and traditions of long-standing anti-semitism in these
areas. But as he strives to create this wider context for the
Holocaust he sidesteps, as many others have, the issues associated
with the origin and essence of Hitler’s
maniacal effort at systematic genocide. He references many other
instances of genocide (he notes the horrors in Rwanda) and correctly
predicts that unstable social and political conditions will
continue to cause such terror in the future. Wars will be fought
and bitterness can tragically motivate genocidal action -- the
examples throughout history are numerous. But by including Hitler’s
Germany in this larger historical context Snyder loosens the
cords of its responsibility for the unmatched industrialized
madness achieved during the period of 1941-45.
Snyder
rapidly traces Hitler’s thought process from his youth
when extremists made irrational jumps from Darwin’s natural
selection theory to the notion that humans were animals. He
states that this was “commonplace” among nineteenth
century thinkers. Who were these “thinkers?” Snyder
mentions Karl Kautsky and Carl Schmitt. The former was a Marxist
advocate and the latter a Nazi legal propagandist; neither has
achieved any importance and this mechanistic interpretation
of Darwin was hardly an intellectual tradition of note. Yet
Snyder, in noting Hitler’s adherence to the “animal”
position throughout his ravings in Mein Kampf, equates
his thought process to that of an important theorist. And because
Hitler advocated addressing the food shortage consequences of
a struggle between races Snyder maintains that the Fuhrer actually
had a “coherent world view.”
With
classic argumentum ad verecundiam illogic, Hitler leaps
to the notion that the dismissal of his people-are-animals theory
by the Jews is “a sign of Jewish corruption.” Their
emphasis on human rationalism and humanitarianism "was
hateful" and any contravention of his “animal”
theory by (Jewish) ethicists must be met by violent opposition.
Hitler
writes that "Nature knows no political boundaries. She
places life forms on this globe and then sets them free in a
play for power." Humans are merely another species of animal
and here race is the only reality. The greatest race, i.e. the
Aryan race, has to dominate and eliminate the weaker races in
order to survive and must be ruthless in its methods. Mercy
and humanitarianism must be avoided . . . He might be talking
about an ant colony.
This
writing in Mein Kampf is not the writing of another
of the post-Darwinian theorists of the late nineteenth century.
HitIer is basically mouthing the words of fanatical post-Darwinians
whose theories he has heard in the streets of Linz and whose
content appeals to his damaged mind. His words are the ranting
of a psychotic school boy whose desires have not been met and
who rationalizes that his Jewish classmates are responsible
for his vocational frustrations. If he were alive now he would
go to a gun shop, purchase the deadliest automatic weapon he
could find, slaughter as many of his classmates as he could
and then commit suicide.
The
ability to write a book (in this case Mein Kampf) and
speak publicly with emotional rhetorical appeal does not qualify
the individual as an important theorist participating in a significant
socio-political revolution. And it certainly doesn’t guarantee
the individual’s mental balance. That Hitler had serious
problems here is something that no one would argue.
The
issue then lies with Snyder’s approach. His insistence
in complexifying the holocaust context rather than dealing with
Hitler’s psychopathy and the incredible power he wielded
over Germany is disturbing.
On
this pivotal issue reviewers have quickly weighed in. Historian
David A. Bell states: "Snyder says little about why or
how [Hitler’s] manifestly insane ideology could come to
appeal to a modern, civilized nation, and still less about how
it could help turn so many members of that nation into witting
mass murderers."
On
the issue of “complexification” Allen says "Snyder’s
concern for distinguishing between the Nazi genocide and the
behavior of non-communist Poles and Ukrainians towards the Jews
-- including violence and murder -- pushes him to the limits
of his evidence and beyond." His complexification approach
is insidious. He winds up “giving so little sustained
attention to what many observers have seen as the greatest of
all horrors of the holocaust, namely, the creation of industrial-scale,
impersonal murder in the gas chambers. To turn imprisonment
and mass murder, in effect, into a business in which the killers
sought, as far as possible, to profit from the victims.”
Snyder’s
explanation is "torn between too many agendas, rushes too
quickly over too much complex material, and fails almost entirely
to explain how one man’s immoral decisions could be translated
into the actions of a powerful modern state."
Snyder’s
complexification approach is certainly not a novel one among
historians. It was Aristotle who initially took issue that history,
by simply adhering to its essence of compiling facts, failed
to account for the total reality of an event. "Historicizing
anything risks diminishing it," writes Adam Gopnik. Other
critics have railed that by associating Hitler’s industrial
killings with crimes of Poles and Ukrainians Snyder has diluted
the essence of the Holocaust. He has relied on the age old academic
narrowness of historical argument to simply explain it away.