the war within
SNOB FACTOR AMONG CONSERVATIVES
by
DAVID SOLWAY
______________________________
David
Solway is a Canadian poet and essayist (Random Walks)
and author of The Big Lie: On Terror, Antisemitism, and
Identity and Hear,
O Israel! (Mantua Books). His editorials appear
regularly in frontpagemag.com and
PJ Media. His monograph, Global Warning:
The Trials of an Unsettled Science (Freedom Press Canada)
was launched at the National Archives in Ottawa in September,
2012. His latest book of poetry, Habibi:
The Diwam of Alim Maghrebi
(Guernica Editions), is now available as is his most recent
collection of essays, The
Boxthorn Tree. And a song from David's soon
to be released CD.
One
of the distinct advantages the political left enjoys over the
conservative movement is the affective property that Muslims
call asabiyeh: unity, togetherness, group feeling.
Of course, there are differences of opinion, degrees of dissension
as to theory and practice, ideological ruptures here and there
regarding tactics and strategy, but on the whole the left is
comparatively of a piece.
Conservatives,
on the contrary, are far more divided among themselves. As I
pointed out a while back, in an article for PJ Media
titled Fractures On The Right, the conservative predisposition
is fissured with disagreements respecting the definition of
the “enemy” and how most effectively to deal with
him. These breaches and discontinuities run deep, especially
when it comes to the putative relation between Islam and “Islamism,”
radical and moderate Muslims, history and the present. Slack-thewed
conservatives insist that Islam has been hijacked by the Islamists
and that so-called “moderate Muslims” must be “friended”
in order not to drive them into the camp of the jihadists. Insightful
conservative thinkers understand that Islam, rooted in a vast
theological, political, jurisprudential and philosophical literature,
and boasting a 1400 year history of rapine and conquest, is
consistently represented by these same extremists who are said
to have hijacked the faith.
It
seems me that the fault in the conservative orientation resides
not so much in the intellect per se as in the will,
a volitional exhaustion, a weakening of purpose expressed as
a gradual turn toward the liberal perspective. Intellect is
then mobilized to justify the backsliding tendencies of the
will, as if in a rerun of the historical debate between two
great Medieval theologians, St. Thomas Aquinas and Duns Scotus.
Aquinas argued that intellect determines truth and the will
carries out the appropriate actions. Scotus held otherwise;
the will bloweth where it listeth, and the intellect assembles
the arguments to support its appetitive pursuits.
As
I wrote in an article of December 14, 2010, also for this site,
titled Where Do Leftists Come From?, “Leftists and liberals
are, on this interpretation, earnest Scotists, wanting something
very badly and then abusing their mental powers to defend their
error.” Ironically, contemporary conservatives are now
split along these lines. The stronger thinkers are Aquinians
who reason clearly and stand on principle while the weaker,
semi-progressivist cadres have succumbed to the liberal panaceas
of the age and may also be characterized as devout Scotists.
But
there is another, equally perilous rift that alienates a part
of the conservative community from itself, namely class consciousness.
Many of those who have benefitted from an elite university education
and hail from prosperous families tend to react with suspicion,
or even with a certain disdain, toward their lower-and-working
class counterparts who speak with regional accents, prefer tankards
to carafes and are, on the whole, less erudite and articulate
than those whom I call “palatine conservatives.”
Thus, for example, many of these patrician and accomplished
figures look down their noses at Sarah Palin with her rustic
habits, non-prestigious educational background and brash rhetorical
delivery. That Palin is a rare, honest politician, a woman of
the people, and a bearer of genuine conservative sentiments
and ideas does not count in her favor. She is too “common”
to inspire enthusiasm among the “quality.”
This
same kind of derogation is leveled at the Tea Party, not just
by the slander-mongering left, but by conservative intellectuals
who shudder at a possible connection or perceived affinity with
the plebeian inhabitants of fly-over country. That the Tea Party
consists, for the most part, of hard-working citizens and patriots
who refuse to allow their nation to be shanghai’d by the
“progressivist” and socialist agenda of probably
the most corrupt and decadent administration in recent history
— if not in the entire pageant of American history —
earns them no brownie points with their carriage trade betters.
And
now it’s the turn of Tommy Robinson of the EDL, or English
Defence League, to reap the pretentious ire of conservative
poohbahs, on the grounds that the organization harbors, or may
be susceptible to, thuggish or fascist elements. And so we remark
on the depressing spectacle of highly credentialed Melanie Phillips
“and others” (to use her own phrase in her put-down
of the EDL) who labor to distance themselves from their natural
allies because they seem brazen, unpolished and volatile. Apart
from the fact that there are bad apples in every barrel without
exception, including the patrician political vat — and
that the leftist cohort, for that matter, is a barrel that contains
almost only bad apples — the truth is that, like Sarah
Palin and like the Tea Party, Tommy Robinson and the EDL are
willing to defy a despotic and pusillanimous constituted authority
that has sold out the culture for a mess of leftist and Islamic
pottage. The group is willing to take risks and to suffer defamation,
false accusations and even imprisonment, in short, to put itself
“out there” for their beliefs. Very few among their
“superiors” would ever expose their comforts, privileges,
and intellectual and social status to the mercy of their antagonists.
And this is an unmitigated shame.
These
conservative snobs, for all their aquiline intelligence and
notable achievements, have regrettably tended to misjudge their
proletarian confederates. Tommy Robinson may speak with a local
brogue but he is lucid, convincing and eloquent — and
indeed, I must say I prefer his brand of impassioned fluency
to Melanie Phillips’ clipped, pedigreed, and rather self-regarding
oratorical fricatives. (Cf. her recent interview on Michael
Coren’s The Arena.) In the same way, I consider Sarah
Palin’s expressive abilities far more persuasive than,
say, Daniel Pipes’ trademark condescension. And I much
prefer the straight talk of the Tea Party to the refined subtleties,
calculated not to offend the liberal elect, of sundry conservative
newspaper editors.
The
conservative “institution” is enfeebled by these
two inherently disruptive factors: a depletion of the political
will, and the specter of class distinctions — and it is
the left that profits from this infusorial derangement. But
it is most disheartening to observe the extent to which sociolectical
disparities and class assumptions, generally from the top down,
can introduce a spirit of discord and superciliousness among
those who should be, as it were, above such congenital hauteur.